SPEECH

OF WILLIAM T. BARRY, Esq.

On the death of ADAMS, JEFFERSON and SHELBY, delivered in Lexington on Tuesday the 15th inst.

Fellow-citizens—The numerous band of patriots devoted to the cause of Independence, exerted equally their best endeavours for its success, and the least of them are entitled to our eternal gratitude. As death fixes the seal of glory on their lives, history will assign to each their rank. Whether civil or military services merit the highest praise, will not be a question; each should be rewarded in proportion to their degree, and the motive with which they were rendered. All made up their minds to risk their fortunes, characters and lives, in a revolution, evincing by this bold determination, courage sufficient to sustain the patriot in the toils of the field, or the labour of the cabinet. Without giving preeminence to the soldier or to the statesman, it must be conceded, that the union of capacity for both employments, is the perfection of character. Many great examples of this are to be found in both ancient and modern history; but none that we read of united them so perfectly as George Washington: and to him not only our own country, but the world, assigns the first rank—justice to his memory and our own fame, requires this rank to be maintained in all its dignity. The great men we this day commemorate follow after the father of his country. To the historian it belongs to relate in full, their early and later achievements, and the particulars of their public and private lives; and it will be for impartial posterity, to give them their place in the scale of excellence. The limits of this occasion will only allow a sketch of the conspicuous acts and prominent traits that may serve to illustrate their characters. Adams and Jefferson and Shelby are no more! Their spirits have fled, and their bodies are mingled with the clods of the valley; but that which gained our love and raised our admiration, still subsists. Their services and noble achievements: liberty, independence and glory remain!

Admidst the general mourning that covers the land, Kentucky has particular cause of sorrow. Although admonished by recent affliction and the infirmities of age, that the death of Isaac Shelby was near at hand, yet the news falls heavily on us. All hearts are sorrowful; and the state is like a family of little ones, weeping over the shrouded remains of a beloved father! He was indeed a father to Kentucky—his services are interwoven with the history, and his fame blended with the glory of the state. It is a high, but just compliment to say of Shelby, that he was formed on the model of Washington—uniting what is rarely to be met with in the same individual, qualifications for exalted civil and military offices. Whether we regard his services in the cabinet or in the field, we shall see much to admire and applaud. In 1779, he was a member of the Virginia Legislature, and in the fall of that year was appointed by Mr Jefferson, then Governor of the state, Major of the escort of guards for running the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina. The extension of that line threw Shelby into the state of North Carolina. As soon as he became a citizen of that state, he was appointed by Governor Carswell, Colonel of Sullivan county. In 1782 he was a member of the Legislature of N. Carolina; and appointed the same year a Commissioner to settle preemption claims on the Cumberland river, and to allot bounty lands to the officers and soldiers of the North Carolina state line. He was, after aiding as a member of the Convention in forming the Constitution, elected the first Governor of the state of Kentucky in 1792; and was again called to the same high station in 1812. What higher evidence of merit for civil office, could be adduced than these proud testimonials? In Virginia and N. Carolina, we see him associated in the struggles of the American Revolution, and called to counsel with the great patriots that adorn the annals of those states. When Kentucky became an independent state, he is placed in the executive chair, to organize the government, and discharged the delicate and important duties confided to him, to the entire satisfaction of the people. By filling the various public offices with the intelligence and virtue of the country, the state became at once respectable, and received an impulse, that has carried her on rapidly in the career of improvement.

The circumstances under which he was again elected Governor, are the highest proofs of public confidence. It was after the late war had been declared. The venerable Charles Scott at the expiration of his term, had retired from office; the country looked around for one worthy of succeeding that distinguished patriot; all eyes were turned to the hero of King’s Mountain. The people confiding in his integrity, courage, experience and known patriotism, selected him, unsolicited on his part, as best qualified to call forth and give direction to the energies of the country. The public expectation was more than fulfilled. The ability and fidelity with which he discharged the duties of Chief Magistrate, his incorruptible integrity; his unwavering attachment to public economy, and to the principles of civil liberty, gives him an elevated place amongst American statesmen, and entitles him to our warmest gratitude. But we have yet to contemplate him in scenes of more brilliant achievements. Shelby was happily constituted for military life in person and in mind. His appearance was noble and engaging. Accustomed in early life to the use of arms, and the pursuit of game, the mountain air and exercise in the open country, improved his constitution and enabled him to bear the greatest fatigue; of a bold and manly turn of thinking, he disdained a voluptuous life of indolence and folly, and resolved to season himself for grand exploits in the rough school of toil and privation. The vigour of his mind, and the military spirit with which it was embued, was displayed at an early age. When yet a stripling, like David, he encountered the enemies of his country. In 1774, acting as Lieutenant of a volunteer company, he was in the memorable battle of the 10th October, 1774, at the mouth of Kenhawa, fought by a detachment under Gen. Andrew Lewis, against the combined Indian forces. In this terrible conflict, which lasted from day light until dark, our young hero bore himself as an officer with a spirit an gallantry. His good conduct on that occasion attracted the attention of Governor Dunmore, who rewarded his heroism with the appointment of second in command of a garrison established on the spot, where he remained until some time in 1775, when the garrison was discharged. The American Revolution followed soon after, and opened to him a scene where his talents were fully displayed. In July 1776, he was appointed Captain of a minute company, by the committee of safety in Virginia. In 1777 and 1778 he was commissary to the frontier garrisons; active and indefatigable, in his duties, he often furnished supplies upon his own credit, when that of the public failed; such was his good conduct in this station, that Patrick Henry, then Governor of Virginia, thanked him in person for the important services he had rendered his country. In North Carolina he was soon engaged in the most important services. At the summons of Gen. Charles McDowell in 1780, he repaired to the camp at Cherokee Ford on Broad river, with three hundred mounted volunteers. He was immediately dispatched with Col. Clarke, at the head of six hundred mounted men, to watch the movements and beat up the out posts of the enemy. Ferguson, an active partizan officer in the Royal militia, at the head of 2500 men, made various efforts to surprize Col. Shelby, but his designs were all baffled. On the 1st of August at Cedar Spring, they met Ferguson’s advance of 700 men; a severe engagement of half an hour ensued, when Ferguson came up with his whole force, but not until the Americans had gained a decisive advantage, capturing fifty prisoners, and by a judicious retreat bearing them off to their own camp, in the face of the enemy. Col. Shelby was again detached with Clarke and Williams, at the head of 700 horsemen, to surprize an encampment of an equal number of tories at Musgrove’s mill, on the South side of the Ennoree river, about forty miles distant; Ferguson’s army lay exactly between.—They marched on the evening of the 18th of August, 1780—avoiding Ferguson’s encampment, and, at the dawn of day, about half a mile from Musgrove’s mill, had a short skirmish with a patrole party of the enemy, in which several of them were killed. At this juncture they were apprized by a countryman, of a reinforcement of the garrison the evening before, by 600 regular troops from New-York, commanded by Col. Innis. But a moment was left for counsel—it was imprudent to bring on the attack; the men were harrassed and worn down with fatigue, and could not escape. It was resolved to give them battle. The drums and bugle horns of the enemy already announced their movement—a breastwork of brush and logs was quickly thrown across the road; Captain Georman was sent in front with twenty-five men to commence a skirmish; the stratagem succeeded; the enemy were drawn on in disorder to the breastwork, and in less than one hour Col. Innis, with all the British officers except a single subaltern, were either killed or wounded, 200 prisoners taken, the enemy defeated and driven across the river with great slaughter. After this signal victory, the Americans intended to have surprized the British post at 96, but the news of Gates’ defeat, involving the destruction of the main army, made a retreat necessary. This was a difficult task, incumbered as they were, with prisoners and wounded men; but it was accomplished by a rapid movement continued for 36 hours without food or rest, before the superior numbers of an angry and vigilant foe. It was soon after this, that the expedition against Ferguson was planned. This officer, thinking himself secure, had permitted some of the tories to go home. By forced marches the Americans with 910 men, attacked Ferguson at King’s Mountain, and killed and took 1105.—The influence of this victory was immense. It disheartened the tories, animated the spirits of our own countrymen, that had been depressed by reverses and disasters at other points. The part that Col. Shelby took in this achievement, sharing the glory of the victory with Cols. Campbell, Sevier, and other brave compatriots, is now a matter of history. The merit of the action is enhanced by the reflection that the conquerors at King’s Mountain were volunteers, and the expedition undertaken and carried on, without any aid from government. The Legislatures of North Carolina and Virginia, aware of the importance of the service, did justice to the gallant commanders, by appropriate resolutions voting them swords as emblems of their good conduct and bravery. After the affair at King’s Mountain, College. Shelby continued to render important services in the South, under Gen. Marion, one of the most intrepid partizan leaders of the revolutionary war. At the close of the war, he retired to private life, and engaged in the pursuits of agriculture. He proved to be one of the best practical farmers in our country—by industry and judicious management his fortune was rapidly augmented. He was content to repose on the laurels he had won in the war of independence. His talents, his services and high reputation, gave him just claims to preferment. The people too, eagerly solicited his services; but he could never be induced to enter upon public life, unless the exigencies of his country rendered his services indispensable. He would not permit his name to be placed on the list of candidates for the office of Vice-President, although warmly solicited from various parts of the Union; and declined the office of Secretary of War, that was subsequently tendered him by President Monroe. Like Cincinnatus, he remained unambitious at his farm, enforcing by his example, the duties of private life; teaching industry, temperance and economy; extending acts of benevolence and humanity to his countymen, and setting an example to affection husbands, kind parents and humane masters. Col. Shelby was at his residence in Lincoln county, enjoying in affluence, the sweets of domestic life, when he was again called upon to assume the helm of state. At the advanced age of 64, had he wanted an apology, this was an ample one; but his mind was characterized by constancy and invincible firmness. He saw his beloved country, for whose independence he had fought in his youth, again in eminent danger, assailed by the same inveterate foe. The fire of patriotism rekindled in his bosom, he did not hesitate, but abandoning the allurements of ease, and listening only to the voice of honour, we see him again with youthful ardour, entering upon the executive duties, boldly hazarding his reputation in the contingencies of a war, the glorious results of which were yet in the womb of time. The volunteers from Kentucky, who had gone forth to battle, notwithstanding the bravery and good conduct of their officers, had met with sad reverses. The dreadful defeats at the River Raisin, and the Rapids of the Miami, had deprived our state of many gallant and patriotic citizens, and filled the country with mourning; the cruelties practised by the savage allies of England, and countenanced by the British officers, was the cause of deep and powerful excitement; the public indignation was aroused, and our militia anxious to revenge their slaughtered countrymen, were impatient to be led to battle: Shelby thought the time had arrived to put an end to the contest in that quarter, and resolved to take the field in person. As he was preparing for the campaign, a happy incident occurred. The delivery of the sword voted him by the Legislature of North Carolina in 1781, had, from some cause, been delayed, and was handed to him just in time to be used in acquiring fresh laurels. Proud emblem of victory—glorious remembrancer of the gallantry and heroism of two wars! At a short notice 4000 volunteers rallied around Gov. Shelby, and by a rapid movement, in a few days joined Gen. Harrison’s army, just in time to profit by the splendid victory of the immortal Perry, which had opened the way for the transportation of the American army into Canada. The promptness with which this was effected, the rapid pursuit of the enemy, the successful result of the battle on the Thames, in the total defeat of the combined Indian forces, and capture of Proctor’s army, are already recorded in the history of the late war. Congress have expressed their high estimate of the important services of Shelby in this campaign, and conferred on him by unanimous vote, the honours due to fortunate and victorious commanders. It was an animating example to the young soldier, to see this aged veteran leading on his troops, engaged ardently in the toils of war, and cheerfully submitting to its numerous privations. The British officers regarded with admiration, the plain republican Governor, who could thus suddenly lead his countrymen to battle and to victory. And the citizens of Ohio crowded the road to gaze on the hero of two wars, as he returned in triumph to his own state. One or two incidents illustrative of his character, that have not found a place in general history, deserve to be mentioned. In the action on the Thames, Col. Johnson’s Regiment were sustaining the brunt of the battle—That gallant corps. whose sorrows now bleed afresh on account of the recent death of one of their beloved commanders,(•) was suffering severely under the galling fire of the Indians. Shelby saw and felt for them. In strong emotion he said, “those brave men will be cut to pieces!”—Eager to succour them, and fearing that the reinforcement ordered by the vigilant commander in chief, would not be up in time, he led in person, a regiment to their relief, advancing fearlessly, and with youthful ardour, to the point where the battle raged. On the march homeward, the greatest number of the troops were compelled to traverse the margin of the Lake exposed to hardships and privations, transportation was only furnished for a few. Shelby declined the easy birth offered him in one of the vessels, and remained with those of his men who expected to encounter difficulties. He had another object in view: the land rout passed over the fatal plains of Raisin. Vengeance had been taken on the cruel foe; the spirits of our slaughtered countrymen were appeased, but their bones lay bleaching on the ground. It was reserved for Shelby to give them Christian burial.—Touching spectacle!—A victorious army halted to perform this solemn ceremony, are seen with their venerable commander, placing the cypress by the laurel, and bedewing the grave of heroes with the soldier's tears! At the expiration of his term of office, Gov. Shelby retired to his farm. The citizens of Frankfurt and its vicinity, with whom he had mingled and interchanged the civilities of social life, gave him repeated evidences of affectionate regard. At the moment of his departure from the seat of government, a compliment was paid him, that awakened recollections of the interesting events of the late war and that of the revolution. A national salute was fired with the memorable cannon that was taken from the British at Saratoga, surrendered to them at Detroit, recaptured on the Thames, and presented by the United States to Governor Shelby. He was as magnanimous as he was brave. Although conscious of meriting, by his services in the late war, the honours his country were anxious to bestow upon him, yet he was unwilling to receive them at the expense of another, and theyw ere delayed, with his assent, until justice was done the brave commander of the North Western army, under whom he had served. Another trait in Shelby’s character remains to be noticed, which crowns the whole—His reverence for Religion. This was displayed in all his conduct, public and private. He respected the Sabbath, and invariably attended preaching. At the time of his death, he was building, near his residence on his own land, a house for public worship! A splendid example of piety, to heroes and statesmen. He lived until the 50th anniversary had passed, and witnessed the rejoicings on the Nation’s Jubilee. Although in delicate health, his dissolution was sudden. He had contemplated the approach of death with calmness; selected a place on his own farm for his grave, the spot on which he had fifty years before pitched his tent. He had often expressed a wish, that when he died no person might be present but his wife—in this he was gratified. Shortly before he expired, he had walked out, returned, took his seat, and was conversing cheerfully with the partner of his bosom; the conversation closed for a moment; a long breath was heard, his wife turned to look, he was gone, without a struggle, or the distortion of a muscle of his face. Such was the closing scene of Isaac Shelby—distinguished in his early youth and in old age, for his energy, zeal and magnanimous exertions for his country. At this solemn and affecting moment, when we are assembled to pay the last tribute of respect, let us be attentive to the precious and instructive lessons furnished by his life, and stimulated by the bright example, emulate his noble deeds.

•Isaac Shelby was born on the 11th day of December 1750, and died on the 18th of July 1826.

[TO BE CONTINUED]

SPEECH

OF WILLIAM T. BARRY, Esq.

On the death of ADAMS, JEFFERSON and SHELBY, delivered in Lexington Tuesday the 15th inst. Concluded.

Let us now contemplate the characters of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, the authors of the Declaration of American Independence, the great founders of our republic. Their glorious lives and deaths, furnish inexhaustible themes for eulogy. How delightful and instructive to awaken the recollection of their early and distinguished services; their ardent and intrepid opposition to the haughty and unjust claims of Great Britain; their exertions in our councils; their agency in penning, and influence in having ratified the charter of our liberties; and their constant and undeviating support of the principles of the revolution and the rights of our country. To see them after the mighty work is finished, invested with the highest honours the people can bestow; living to see and to enjoy the result of the experiment they so boldly hazzarded; witnessing the blessings their councils had obtained for the country; seeing the light of liberty shed abroad upon distinct nations, penetrating the gloom of ignorance and superstition in the south, and illuminating the countries beyond the Andes; rekindling the dormant spark of freedom in the land of Leonidas and Epammondes, and rousing the long slumbering Greeks to arms; to see our political institutions respected as models by the new born states in our own hemisphere, the United States of America, at peace with the world, enjoying for fifty years a prosperity rarely allotted to nations, in the onward and steady march to higher destinies; and on the nations Jubilee, on that day when thousands and tens of thousands of freemen, were uttering benedictions on their names, we beheld their immortal spirits departing in peace and in triumph to the realm of glory. It most frequently happens, that civil services are undervalued, and the exertions of the closet too often go unrewarded by history.—But Adams and Jefferson lived at a time, were engaged in such a cause and made their exertions so directly in the face of the world, that their fame is more splendid than the highest renown that has been won in the field. They were both bred to the law, and entered upon public life in that profession. Mr. Adams continued to practice for several years, he was distinguished for his erudition as a counsellor, and as an orator, for his boldness and eloquence. He declined the highest judicial office of the state, tendered him early in life, prefering the active duties of his profession. A case occured in 1770 celebrated in history, in which the successful efforts of Mr. Adams crowned him with the highest honours. It was in the defence of Capt. Preston and the British troops. Impelled by a strong sense of justice and professional duty, he was seen in the midst of the most powful excitement occasioned by the Boston massacre stemming the current of popular indignation, evincing that intrepid spirit, which afterwards so fearlessly encountered the perils of the revolution.

Mr. Jefferson did not remain long at the bar, his ample fortune rendered the practice unnecessary, and the state of the world presented to his mind other scenes more interesting and better suited to his genius. Although not engaged in the active duties of the profession he cultivated the science of law most assiduously, and was eminent for his attainments as a jurist. In the revision of the laws of Virginia with Pendleton and Wythe, a duty assigned them by the Legislature of that state; in the discussions whilst secretary of state with the British minister Mr. Hammond; in the able and eloquent paper, prepared by him for the use of counsel employed to defend the acts of government, in the controversy with Mr Edward Livingston about the Batture at New Orleans, Mr Jefferson has left the most unquestioned proofs of capacity, and the finest models of legal argument. We might dwell upon this subject, and contrast these great men advantageously, with the first lawyers of the age; but time will not allow, and we pass on, to follow their glorious career through the interesting struggles of the revolution. Mr Adams whilst yet a youth was devoted to liberty. At the age of twenty, he considered the condition of the Colonies, discussed their interests, thought freely and boldly on their rights, and imbued as it were with the spirit of prophecy, in a letter to a friend he foretells as a probable event the future independence of America. Whilst yet at the bar Mr Adams associated with his compeers, Otis, Quincy, Sullivan and other members of the profession, as they rode the Circuits, mingled with the people, gave tone to their feelings opened to them the fountains political knowledge, inculcated the principles of freedom, and thus contributed to kindle the fires of the Revolution in the North. In every situation Mr. ADams exerted himself with unceasing ardour for the cause of Liberty; but it was in the American Congress, where his services were most efficient. He took his seat in that body as a deputy from Massachusetts, at its first meeting in Philadelphia on the 5th of September 1774. His character was then well known; his talents were of the highest order; alike distinguished for patriotic ardour, firmness of purpose, bold intrepid manner, energy in debate, and the most commanding eloquence. He soon became a leading member, was placed on all the important committees, & aided in preparing the address of Congress, tot he people of Great Britain, their memorial to the inhabitants of the British Colonies, the petition to the King and the address to the French inhabitants of Canada; all were written with uncommon ability; in the bold spirit that characterized that memorable body. The part he acted as deputy from Congress in conjunction with Doct. Franklin and Mr. Rutledge, in the important conference held with the British Commissioners at Staten Island in September 1776, is noticed in history. It was an important service, at a most critical period of the war. The American army had been defeated at Long Island, compelled to evacuate New-York, and were then retreating before superior numbers. Gen. Howe wishing to take advantage of the terror which victory inspires, persuading himself that after so many disasters, the disheartened Americans, might be brought to terms and prevailed on to resume the yoke of England, had invited the conference, making specious but insidious propositions; the American deputies met him with unshaken firmness, penetrated his views, baffled all his arts, and managed the negotiation with such consummate skill, as by its results to revive the drooping spirits of our countrymen and stimulate them to greater activity in the prosecution of the war. In 1778 Mr. Adams was sent on a mission to France; he did not hesitate to enter upon this service, although it had been declined by others on account of the difficulties and dangers that attended it. The repeated attempts made by the enemy to intercept him were defeated by the skill and courage of the intrepid officer, who commanded the vessel he sailed in. In one of the engagements, the ardour of Mr. Adams carried him upon deck and he was found by the Captain in the ranks of the marines, with his musket, fearlessly engaging in the battle. After succeeding in this mission he returned to the United States, and assisted in framing the first constitution of Massachusetts, the principles of which he afterwards so ably vindicated. He is next seen in the character of minister to the States General of the United Provinces; by his address he induced that government to recognize the independence of the United States; concluded a treaty of amity and commerce with them; and was successful in negotiating with the Hollanders large loans of money, all important at that juncture to support the public credit and to sustain our armies. Mr. Adams’ services in foreign courts did not cease until he had accomplished every object for which he was sent abroad, and had sealed our independence by signing the treaty of peace with Great Britain. He was subsequently on account of his diplomatic travels and eminent public services appointed minister plenipotentiary to that court.

Whilst Mr. Adams was abroad in the public service Mr. Jefferson was at home, in the state and national councils, exerting himself to complete the work of independence. His humanity first prompted the measure prohibiting the importation of slaves; setting a noble example to the philanthropists, who are now labouring to mitigate, and if possible eradicate the evils of slavery; evils not of our own creation, but a wretched inheritance from our British ancestors. It was Mr. Jefferson that commenced the work in the legislature of Virginia, afterwards finished by Mr. Madison, that resulted in the establishment of religious freedom. This was accomplished as were all his works of reform by bringing the subject to the bar of public opinion, and trying it by the test of truth and reason. Reformation in religion had commenced in other countries but it was reserved for the enlightened statesmen of America, led on by Mr. Jefferson to break the union of church and state; to assert the bold truth, that no human authority ought in any case whatever to control religious opinions and to secure in all time to come by fundamental laws, free from governmental regulation or interference, the natural and indefeasible right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of conscience. This emancipation from the thraldom of church and state, constitutes a bright era in the annals of man. Mr. Jefferson was incessantly labouring to support the cause of civil as well as religious liberty. Virginia is indebted to him for the abolition of entails and the destruction of the principle of primogeniture. By these important measures he accomplished what had been attempted in vain by the great law-givers of Greece and Rome, introducing the agrarian principle and by wise regulations in the law of descents, securing its constant and peaceable operation in the equal division and distribution of estates, free from those agitations and convulsions, that attended its unskilful and violent application in those ancient republics; destroying the distinct orders of nobles and plebians, and securing the equality amongst the citizens so essentila to the maintenance of republican government. Although these measures were at first limited in their operation to Virginia; other states regarding them as the foundations of liberty have followed the example & adopted them as part of their codes. In France the principle of primogeniture has recently been abolished, the king took the alarm, he fell as if one of the main pillars of his throne was pulled down; he recommended the restoration of the principle and his ministers advocated it, but the people opposed it successfully, and it is left to take its silent but irresistable course. Mr. Jefferson by the law of descents which he penned gives equal inheritance to sons and daughters, thus annulling the feudal cannon that prefers the male line, and securing to woman those rights that an ignorant and haughty age had deprived them of. The prolific mind of Mr. Jefferson contributed to the formation of the constitution of Virginia; altho a member of congress & at Philadelphia at the time of its adoption, he had prepared and transmitted to Mr. Pendleton, a draft of a preamble and constitution, the original of which is now in the archives of Virginia in Mr Jeffersons own hand writing. It was received too late, the plan of a constitution had been considered and adopted by the committee, the preamble of Mr. Jefferson however was prefixed to the instrument; and some of the modifications proposed by him introduced into the body of it. This important fact explains the cause of the striking similitude between the recital of wrongs, prefixed in the constitution of Virginia, and that which was afterwards prefixed to the declaration of Independence, both comeing from the same pen. It is proper here to remark in justice to the memory of a patriotic and enlightened statesman, that the constitution and bill of rights of Virginia, was the work of George Mason, and to him belongs the distinguished honour of giving to mankind, the first plan of a written republican constitution, recorded in the annals of the world. We pass for the present Mr. Jeffersons services in Congress intending to recur to them again. In 1784, he was sent to France with Mr. Adams, and Doctor Franklin with authority to form treaties with the several powers of Europe. He had to leave to return in 1789, and soon after was appointed by president Washington Secretary of State, here he encountered difficulties and had subjects of great delicacy to manage. He felt grateful to France for the services she had rendered us in the war of independence.—But with these predelictions, he remained true to his country, and faithful to the duties of his station; he could not brook the dictatorial course of the French minister, but repelled his attempted interference with our affairs with an indignant spirit that rebuked the insolence of Genet, and exposed his injustice and imbecility in so striking a manner that his government recalled him. In the discussion of our difficulties with great Britain, Hammond was foiled by his superior capacity; and his successor Liston the most accomplished diplomatist in England, proved unequal to the contest with Mr. Jefferson. His reports whilst in the state department on money, on weights and measures, on the fisheries, and on the restrictions of commerce, are proud testimonials of his capacity and enlarged views as a financier, philosopher, and statesman. Although incessantly engaged in public affairs, Mr. Jefferson found time to devote to letters. In 1781 whilst Governor of Virginia he composed his notes, a work of acknowledged merit, abounding in useful facts and valuable political and philosophical reflections. While minister in France he formed an acquaintance with the literati of Europe, and received from them the most distinguished attention. They saw with astonishment a man from the new world perfectly versed in both ancient an modern literature, capable of the most profound discussions upon all subjects of science; and ready to instruct them in the true principles of government, as founded in the rights of man and regulated by written constitutions.

On the adoption of the Federal Constitution Mr. Adams was elected the first Vice President, and served in that station for eight years, during the administration of Gen Washington. As presiding officer of the Senate his conduct was impartial and dignified, such as secured him the respect of that body, and the confidence of the country. Washington called him into counsel with his cabinet upon all important subjects—when Washington retired Adams was elected as his successor—no higher evidence could be given of his distinguished worth, and the estimation in which he was held by the American people, than his being the associate and immediate successor of the father of his country. The conduct of Mr. Adams in this high station is known. He entered upon the executive duties at a stormy time, when party spirit raged with unrestrained violence. If upon the merits of his administration public opinion has been divided, candour will acknowledge that he had to act under circumstances of peculiar difficulty, and at a moment when no course of conduct could have obtained universal applause.—All concur in the opinion that Mr. Adams was honest and independent, that he was above intrigue, and used no arts to secure his re-election. At the close of his presidential term he retired to private life. He still continued to feel a deep interest in public concerns. When the foreign aspect of our country was clouded, he stood forth, one of the warmest advocates for her rights. His letter in defence of our seamen against foreign impressment, is one of the ablest papers on that subject. His opinion was decidedly expressed in favor of the late war; he had expected it five or six years sooner, and was thankful to Providence that it had been avoided so long. Whilst in England as resident minister, he anticipated this second war of independence, and warned the English minister, that we should fight them again and compel them to sign a second treaty of peace. In his retirement Mr. Adams received repeated evidences of the public regard. Upon the death of Governor Sullivan, he was selected as the republican candidate to succeed him, but declined the proffered honour. He was afterwards an elector and voted for Mr. Monroe as President of the United States. His last public employment was as a member of the convention of Massachusetts in 1820. He was chosen to preside over that body; upon declining the station on account of his advanced age, he received by the unanimous vote of all parties, the most grateful and flattering assurances of esteem and confidence. Mr. Adams in his retirement used every occasion to encourage learning and to patronize liberal institutions. When Kentucky was seeking information upon the subject of common schools, he was applied to, as one of the living oracles of wisdom, for the lights of his experience, they were cheerfully afforded, accompanied with remarks, that cannot fail to make a deep and lasting impression on the public mind—“The wisdom and generosity of your legislature in making liberal appropriations in money, for the benefit of schools, academies, colleges, and the university, is an equal honor to them and their constituents; a proof of their veneration for literature and science, and a portent of great and lasting good to North and South America and to the world. Great is truth—great is liberty, and great is humanity and they must and will prevail.”—The private life of Mr. Adams was pure; he was hospitable and attentive to every social and christian duty. If he had frailties, they were those of an open, bold, confiding and generous heart. The fearless and honest indignation of his expressions, might have for a time given dissatisfaction to some; but these qualities were essential to the leader of a revolution. The man who could indignantly denounce the measures of tyranny, and defy the power of a throned monarch, could not be disciplined to the dissimulation of a courtier.

Mr. Jefferson acted as Vice President during the administration of Mr. Adams, and succeeded him in the high office of President. As Vice President besides the ordinary duties of the station, which were discharged with dignity and impartiality, he composed a manual that is now the rule of conduct for the Senate, and for the Legislative assemblies of the different states; leaving here as in all the other public stations he filled, the impress of his genius. We have but a moment to speak of his administration, it is a splendid epoch in American history, that requires volumes to do it justice. Upon taking his station as President of the United States he declared the principles upon which he intended to act, in language that deserves to be written in letters of gold, & hung up for every citizen to read; they were the principles of the American Revolution, to which the wisdom of our sages, and the blood of our heroes had been devoted. He assumed the helm of state at a perilous moment: party spirit prevailed at home threatening our peace and harmony—War raged in Europe; the arts of diplomacy were employed to draw us into the contest; new rules were interpolated into the law of nations—our seamen were impressed, and extensive depredations committed on our commerce, by the unjust, unprovoked and wanton acts of the great belligerents.—It was in the midst of foreign and domestic difficulties when the whole political world was moving around him, that Mr. Jefferson displayed his equanimity of temper and God-like composure of mind. By his wisdom and firmness he conducted the vessel of state safe through every difficulty. He asserted our rights with equal spirit and ability; maintained our cause and justified his course, so as to merit and receive the approbation of all impartial nations—Whilst England and France were wasting and destroying each other, the neutral and pacific policy of Mr. Jefferson, enabled us by shareing largely in the commerce of the world, to increase rapidly in individual and national wealth. This with the enlightened and liberal policy observed towards foreigners who had intercourse and sought an asylum with us, admitting them to an early participation of the rights of citizens, augmented our numbers and increased our strength and powers as a nation.

At home by a course of rigid but enlightened economy, by suppressing unnecessary offices and useless establishments; thus relieving the country from internal taxes, and lightening the burdens of the people; by the precaution observed as to public expenditures—in the rule introduced of specific appropriations—arranging our financial system, so as to make what was before confused, clear, simple, and easy to comprehend, he was enabled not only to meet the current expenses of government, but made rapid progress in the extinguishment of the public debt. This course of economy accumulated means, that enabled him to extend the bounds of empire. He seized on a fortunate moment, when the liberal views and interests of France led to the measure, for the purchase of Louisiana. This peaceable and bloodless acquisition of territory sufficient in itself for a mighty empire, converting a vast colonial waste into free and prosperous states of the Union, without example in history, is of itself sufficient to render Mr. Jefferson’s administration memorable and to immortalize his name as a statesman—His rules in the general conduct of his administration were “to cultivate peace, maintain commerce and navigation in all lawful enterprizes—Foster the fisheries as nurseries of navigation and for the nurture of man—protect the manufactures adapted to our circumstances, preserve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts; expend the public money with the same care and economy we would use our own—impose no unnecessary burdens on the people—keep in all things to the pale of constitutional power, and cherish the Federal Union as the only rock of safety.” By adhering to these principles and preserving the great land marks, laid down in his inaugural address, the people of America during his administration were endeared to their government, and to the principles of the Constitution; a union of sentiment and action prevailed equally auspicious to their happiness and safety; thus making the practical operations of the government true to its spirit and theory. It may be said with the confidence of truth, and with the concurring opinion of the people of the United States, that under the auspices of Mr. Jefferson and during his administration, “the public efforts were directed honestly to the public good; peace cultivated; civil and religious liberty were unassailed; law and order preserved; and equality of rights maintained.” Although invested with high powers and extensive patronage, with the unbounded confidence of his countrymen, Mr Jefferson did not allow himself to be tempted from his republican course. He went into office not with a view to personal aggrandizement, but for the purpose of serving his country and advancing her interests, by adhering to those sound democratic principles, the profession of which had secured him the confidence of the people. He never attempted to enlarge the powers of the Federal government, or to encroach on that of the States: but felt it his sacred duty, to keep the former within its proper limits, whilst he allowed to the latter the full and undisturbed exercise of all their constitutional powers. He maintained by his practice as well as in theory the doctrine, that the Federal and State government, are co-ordinate departments, Federal functionaries of the same government; he did not admit the states to be subordinate to the Federal government, or that either had controul over the other but within its own department. As to those delicate questions that may occur between these great departments where each claim the same subject of power, if they are of sufficient importance to require an umpire, in such case he acknowledges no legitimate umpire but that of the states themselves assembled in convention. The conduct and opinions of such a statesman as Mr. Jefferson, chosen in preference to an illustrious competitor upon a solemn appeal to the American people to preside over the Union, on account of his known and well tried republican principles, administering the concerns of the government for so long a time satisfactorily, and voluntarily retiring from office with the approbation and applause of his countrymen, are worthy of being held up as an example for others to follow. The political life of Mr. Jefferson is beautifully consistent from the time of the Declaration of Independence, to the day of his death. His principles of government were founded in the rights of man. The people are considered as the source of all lawful power; that it is their unquestioned right to exercise it by themselves in all cases to which they think themselves competent; or by agents periodically chosen from the bosom of society; that the security of representative government consists in the frequency of elections and the certain and practical responsibility of agents, and its perfection in wisely arranging the public employments and civil divisions of the country so as to give to all a participation, making as far as possible every man an active member in this common government; maintaining it as a political axiom that the people can do no wrong; confiding in their virtue and intelligence, he looked at power with a jealous eye in whatever shape or form it might appear: In his retirement Mr. Jefferson continued to feel a deep interest, for the preservation and maintenance of these great principles of self government. He embraced every suitable occasion to assert, and urge them upon the consideration, of his fellow citizens. As experience developed defects in the frame of our government, he did not hesitate to point them out, and suggest proper amendments. If one department attempted to encroach upon another, or to usurp powers not designed for it, he saw and exposed it; his warning voice has been often heard, to guard his countrymen against the silent approaches of power, admonishing them to provide against the impending danger, and to avoid the necessity of revolution by timely reformation. The success of his political principles was the ruling passion of his soul. In a letter written a few days before his death, probably his last, in answer to an invitation to participate in the rejoicings of the 4th of July, alluding to the happy influence of the Declaration of Independence and the glorious results that followed, he says: “May it be to the world, what I believe it will be, (to some sooner, to others later, but finally to all) the signal of arousing men to burst the chains, under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self government.—The form which we have substituted, restores the free right to the unbounded exercise of reason and freedom of opinion. All eyes are opened or opening to the rights of man. The general spread of the lights of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind, has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few, booted and spurred ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God. These are grounds of hope for others; for ourselves, let the annual return of this day for ever refresh our recollections of these rights and undiminished devotion to them.”

Mr Jefferson was sensible of the importance of knowledge to a people determined to be their own governors, and laboured to diffuse it among all classes, by all the means in his power. To this end the University of Virginia was founded, he devised and accomplished this plan in his old age, in the midst of difficulties, surmounting them by patience and unwearied assiduity. After the institution had been endowed and was in operation, his fostering care still continued, and was extended to its course of instruction, the laws for its government and the minutest details of its regulation and police. In this as in all his other acts the spirit of improvement and reform is perceived departing from the standard of institutions that grew up under other governments, he has aimend to make his more conformable to the free institutions of our own; taking care to provide a professorship of the principles of government, his favorite science. In this glorious work, the imperishable monument of his fame, Mr. Jefferson was engaged in his last days, with the ardour and activity of youthful ambition: fondly indulging the proud anticipation of the happy effect of the institution upon the future fame, fortune, and prosperity of the country. Looking to the day when his native state, “the gold old dominion the blessed mother of us all, shall raise her head with pride among the nations.” A beautiful thought is here presented, in the recollection that Adams ascended from the occupation of a schoolmaster to the highest office in the gift of the people, and Jefferson having filled the same high station, is engaged at the time of his death, as Rector of the university superintending the instruction of youth. Bright and animating examples that cannot fail to give elevation to the occupation of a schoolmaster, the notable employment of Socrates and Plato, of Adams and Jefferson. In the association of these revered names the recollection of their early and constant friendship is awakened and presented as an example to political rivals. Both the greatest statesmen of the age; the leaders of opposite and powerful parties; alike the objects of obloquy and abuse; both in their retirement found themselves in the same political ranks, united by the bonds of personal friendship. This friendship continued amidst the agitation of party; sustained by an approving conscience, the blasts of calumnly never roilled the serenity of their minds; they viewed them as the troubled elements, that would soon subside, when every thing would be like their own bosoms, peace and sunshine. They knew that parties will exist in every free country, that it is essential that they should; that they act as censors on each other, and keep the principles and practice of each at the bar of public opinion.—It is only when party principles predominate over the love of country, when they degenerate into personal antipathies, and effect the intercourse of society and friendship that they become vicious and baneful to the general happiness and general good. It was delightful to witness in the correspondence of 1822, the evidences of continued friendship between these good men; retaining to their old age no impaired intellects, and displaying amidst its snows, the greenness and freshness of the summer life.

The character of Mr. Jefferson is seen in his works. Genius cannot brighten, nor calumny obscure it. The friend of man—The philosopher of nature—The advocate of civil and religious liberty—The great reformer of church and state.—One that did not touch the established institutions of society, hastily or rashly; but counselled by reason, following the lights of truth, and guided by unerring experience, wherever error was manifest, and abuses were seen to exist; they were corrected and reformed with a bold hand, altho sanctioned by the practice of ages. His private life was pure and adorned with every virtue. The halls of Monticello were the abodes of hospitality, the retreat of science, of philosophy and humanity.

Although every scene of the lives of these great and good men is deeply interesting there is one that transcends all others, that which associates them in the old congress, and unites their efforts in the declaration of Independence; we have already seen Mr. Adams counselling with the wise men of that august assembly. In June 1775, Mr. Jefferson came in as a deputy from Virginia. His fame preceded him. His distinction as a writer, his fine acquirements, his patriotic ardour, the active part he had taken to arouse the country, all marked him as a leader in that assembly. It is proper to notice some important steps taken previous to his comeing in. On the 10th of May a resolution believed to have been introduced by Mr. Adams, was adopted, recommending to the respective assemblies and conventions of the United Colonies, to adopt governments, independent of Great Britain, suited to their exigences. A committee of which Mr. Adams was the chairman was appointed to prepare a preamble to this resolution. It was prepared, reported on the 13th and adopted on the 15th of May; reciting the act of Parliament that had excluded the Colonies from the protection of the Crown; the refusal of the British government to listen to their petitions for redress of grievances, that the whole force of that kingdom aided by foreign mercenaries was about to be employed for their destruction; it declared “that it was irreconcileable to reason and good conscience any longer to take the oath of allegiance to Great Britain.” This was virtually a declaration of independence. It was so regarded by the Colonies, most to them promptly and all of them in due season, instructed by their members to consent to a declaration of independence. Virginia taking the lead of the others had already declared herself independent and instructed her delegates to move it in Congress; accordingly on the 7th of June her delegate Richard H. Lee, moved a resolution for independence. It was debated in committee of the whole on the 8th and 10th and reported to the house; and the consideration thereof postponed until the 1st of July. That no time might be lost Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Shearman and R Livingston were appointed a committee to prepare a declaration of Independence. They met discussed the subject & designated Jefferson & Adams as a sub-committee to frame the declaration; an amiable contest ensued between them, Mr. Jefferson urging mr. Adams to draw it; Mr. Adams insisting on Mr. Jefferson doing it, and he yielding his assent; a beautiful display of modesty and mutual respect. The draught being made the sub committee met and considered it; Mr. Adams expressed himself delighted with its high tone and the flights of oratory with which it abounded and yield his hearty assent. It was reported to the balance of the committee, they did not criticise a word of it; and on the 28th of June it was reported to the house in Jeffersons hand writing as he first drew it. On the 2nd and 3rd of July, the draught was examined discussed and amended; on the 4th it was agreed to and publicly proclaimed in Philadelphia, where congress then held its session. It is not my purpose to question the wisdom of the amendments made to the original draft of Mr. Jefferson, but merely to express a regret that they obliterated some of its finest parts, that concerning negro slavery in particular. The draught was Mr. Jeffersons, to procure its adoption by congress was the task of Mr. Adams. Let the friends of each cease the contest for the highest honour, there is enough of fame for both—it is the joint work of these great apostles of liberty; it breathes the spirit, and embodies the sentiments of both.—The one who wrote it the inspired penman, the other who advocated & carried it the divine orator. The mind is filled with reverence when it recurs to this period, & contemplates the American Congress, in the attitude of signing & proclaiming the declaration of Independence. We see them surrounded by difficulties numerous and fearful; in the midst of hesitations and doubts, depression and despondency, that at times filled the hearts of the people, stand firm, resolved by constancy to set fortune at defiance and to triumph over fate. We cannot find in history such a noble assembly; rendered so by superior intelligence and virtue, and the great purpose they had in view. The admirable fortitude with which they sustained the assaults of adverse fortune, when a common ruin seemed ready to engulph them with the cause they supported, must eternally attach to their names, the glory of having laid the foundation of a mighty republic; and entitle them to the homage of the nations of the earth. To see this body rising in the majesty of human nature, breaking the chains of slavery, and proclaiming liberty and independence, is a spectacle of breathless interest and incalculable consequences! What a glow of rapturous enthusiasm thrills through the patriots heart! What grand exhibition of nature can strike the mind with such astonishment as does the moral sublimity of this scene!

In the glow of patriotic ardor and in the spirit of prophecy, Mr. Adams the next day penned this inimitable letter.

Philadelphia July 5, 1776.

“Yesterday the greatest question was decided which was ever debated in America; and a greater perhaps never was or will be decided among men. A resolution was passed without one dissenting colony, “THAT THESE UNITED STATES ARE, AND OF RIGHT OUGHT TO BE, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES.”

“The day is passed.—The 4th of July 1776, will be a memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated by succeeding generations, AS THE GREAT ANNIVERSARY FESTIVAL. It ought to be commemorated as the DAY OF DELIVERANCE, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations FROM ONE END OF THE CONTINENT TO THE OTHER, from this time forward forever! You will think me transported with enthusiasm; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that it will cost to maintain, this Declaration and support and defend these states; yet through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory—I can see that the end is worth more than all the means; and that posterity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not.

I am, &c. JOHN ADAMS.”

From this era, we have traced the lives of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and witnessed the swelling grandeur of their course. We have seen them in the splendor of their meridian, and the effulgence of their noontide beams;—and have yet to behold these bright orbs with their parting rays, illume the mountain tops, and paint the clouds with glory as they descend into the ocean of eternity. On the nation’s Jubilee when all hearts were offering up their holiest aspirations for his health and happiness, and sympathising in those misfortunes that embittered his latter days, at the hour when fifty years before, the declaration of independence the work of his hands was published in the hall of Congress, the moment he had prayed for, the immortal spirit of the sage of Monticello took its flight to the realms of bliss. Whilst approaching to mingle public and private griefs over his recent grave, we are suddenly arrested, and our bereaved hearts again agonized with the unwelcome news that his co-patriot and co-labourer in the cause of freedom is no more! Adams has descended to the tomb full of years and full of honors. The angel of death seems to have been walking with him for some time; but his hand was stayed until the Jubilee of American Liberty had fully come; and not then, until his soul had been cheered with the fond acclamations of a joyous people. The trump had sounded through the land—the morning honours had been paid—the noontide was passed, and with the descending sun the good old patriarch departed on his journey to the world of spirits. He was suffered to witness at the end of half a century the verification of his prophesy. Remarkable and glorious occurrences. About ten days before, in handing to the committee his written answer to an invitation to participate in the festivities of the Jubilee he said “I shall not be present in body but in spirit I shall be with you.”

On the morning of the Jubilee, he awoke at the ringing of the bells and the firing of cannon—The servant who had watched with him, enquired if he knew what day it was? “Yes, he replied, it is the glorious Fourth of July, God bless it—God bless you all”—In the forenoon the Orator of the day called on him with a clergyman—In taking leave, he asked him for a sentiment—He gave him “Independence forever.” His fleeting spirit seemed to linger until the close of the festivities of the day—The moment before his death, his declining faculties were aroused by the rejoicings in the metropolis—He enquired the cause of the salutes and was told it was the 4th of July, he exclaimed “it is a great and good day,” and spoke no more—His last thoughts and his last words were for the independence and glory of his country.

In the death of Mr. Jefferson there is something peculiarly interesting. About ten days before his death, he said, “acquiescence is a duty under circumstances not placed among those we are permitted to control.” He was in the habit of saying to his intimate friends, “that though he did not wish to die he did not fear to die”—He declared that if he could leave his family unembarrassed, and see the University fairly under way he was ready to depart—Nunc demittas, domini, was his favorite quotation—“His ruling passion” was strong in death—But a few days before he died, he breathed the most fervent wishes for the good of his country, and for the success of the political principles to which he was so fervently attached. He calmly gave directions anent his coffin and interment—On Monday enquiring with some solicitude, what was the day of the month, and being told the 3d of July, he expressed a desire to live until the next day, that he might breath the air of the 50th anniversary. He was evidently gratified at living to see the 4th of July, and expressed it intelligibly, when he had lost the power of speech. His conversation was calm to the last, and he looked steadily and tranquily on death as it approached. He had solicitudes for the University, but the work was begun and the public would carry it on. There was yet one anxious thought, one remaining wish near his heart. His offspring came around to receive his blessing; he now felt as a man—He had redeemed the sacred pledge given to his country. But what remained for his child—nothing but his affections. He hands her a casket to be opened after his death—the injunction was obeyed. It contained an elegant and affectionate strain of poetry on the virtues and dutiful conduct of his incomparable daughter. How delicate,—how tender, how touching to the soul of sympathy, to the heart of a child. The last moment has arrived, and his dying words are heard. “I give my soul to my God, my child to my country.” She is now the daughter of the republic, the beloved sister, of grateful, warm-hearted, & generous Americans. The spirit of Chivalry now combines with patriotism to awaken the slumbering gratitude of the country, and urge the payment to the daughter of what was due to the father. Let us imitate the glorious example of the citizens of New York, and thank those generous people, who by timely munificence, contributed to the comfort and consolation of Thomas Jefferson in his last moments.

This sentiment so finely expressed in allusion to the death of the immortal band of Leonidas, has received a new and beautiful illustration in the deaths of Adams and Jefferson. It has capped the climax of their fame—Immortal destiny; had the horses and chariot of fire descended to take up these patriarchs, it might have been more wonderful but not more glorious. The cannon of twenty-four states saluted their spirits as they passed from time to eternity; and the swell of a nation’s gratitude was the last sound that broke upon their dying ears!—“It is something out of the course of nature, a drama of solemn heavenly grandeur, which the uplifted curtain of the Jubilee, has suddenly revealed to the wondering entranced and rivited eyes of an assembled nation.” In looking round we behold millions clad in mourning! sorrow has moved the heart of the nation to its capital. The circle extends, and villages, and towns, and cities and states, and distant nations mourn! The star spangled banner is lowered, and the proud Eagle droops in sorrow!—The navy and the army, the gallant tar and brave soldier, who have so often triumphed in shouts of citron, and were never conquered in battle, are now subdued and melted into fears! The temples of religion are thrown open, to receive the multitudes, that come weeping in sacred sorrow, around the altar where they are accustomed to worship the living God! How touching is this wonderful scene! Gazing in transport human eloquence is mute! and nature herself in the tears of ten millions of people pronounces the eulogy. Ye rulers of the nations who love true glory, look on and learn wisdom—let the sons of freedom behold and mitigate their sorrows—and the tyrants of the earth tremble.

  1. Col James Johnson, who died a few days before the speech was delivered.

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The sceptic is too credulous; he believes in newspapers or even in encyclopædias. — G. K. Chesterton (Orthodoxy)